The Death of William Carey - 22 June 1528
- thedudleywomen
- 15 hours ago
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In early summer 1528, an outbreak of 'sweating sickness', the unknown Tudor illness, spread throughout the city of London and subsequently the Royal Court. The three-month long epidemic saw 40,000 London residents become infected with this highly-contagious disease, over 80 percent of the city's population, with 2000 deaths that summer being attributed to 'the sweat' (Porter, 2011).
"Sweating sickness' or 'the sweat' remains an unidentified illness, with historians failing to link its symptoms to modern-day illnesses, including a hantavirus, being a zoonotic virus spread by mice and rats, or anthrax. Despite multiple outbreaks during the Tudor period, its first appearance coming in summer 1485, when Henry VII came to the throne following his victory at the Battle of Bosworth, there are no recorded outbreaks after 1551, the disease appearing to disappear. Contemporaries also referred to the disease as 'Sudor Anglicus - The English Sweat', acknowledging its higher prevalence in England, in comparison to other European countries (Porter, 2011; Weir, 2011; Mortimer, 2013).
One of the primary characteristics of the disease was the rate in which some infected individuals died, with some dying within hours; it was believed that if a victim survived the first 24 hours, they were at higher likelihood of recovery. Individuals would experience a variety of symptoms, although not all presenting the same; initially an infected person would experience dizziness, pain in the head and neck, exhaustion and chills. Once the disease progressed, victims would experience a 'second phase': hot, malodorous sweats, intense thirst, palpitations, drowsiness, confusion and disorientation. Whilst less prevalent than the plague, also having a lower-mortality rate, the rapid speed in which victims perished caused significant fear This illness appeared to be more prevalent amongst younger, previously-healthy men, not discriminating social or economic classes (Porter, 2011; Bernard, 2014; Harris, 2020).
At the time of the 1528 outbreak, one of the king's selected Gentleman of the Privy Chamber was his kinsman, William Carey. The second son of Thomas Carey of Chiltern Foliat, Wiltshire, Carey "had to make his own way in the world", and appears to have "risen at court by his own merit" (Weir, 2011, p.95). Carey had joined the king's household in 1519, initially being appointed to the privileged and exclusive position as an Esquire of the Body to Henry, and later being promoted to a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber. On 04 February 1520, Carey married Mary Boleyn, the elder daughter of Sir Thomas Boleyn, Ambassador to France; this union has been described as a 'solid' and 'prestigious' match, given Carey's influential position at court, and close association with Henry. From early 1522, Carey began to receive multiple grants, political appointments, and keepership of multiple properties and estates from the Crown; it has been surmised that these royal grants mark the beginning of Mary's affair with the king (Weir, 2011; Norton, 2013).
Henry VIII has been described by both contemporaries and historians as being highly fearful of contracting 'the sweat'. That summer, in response to the rapid spread of the disease, Henry made the 'panicked' decision to abandon the royal court which had been based at Greenwich Palace, and seek sanctuary in residences outside the city, being accompanied by both his wife and his mistress, Anne Boleyn. The first chosen destination was the Palace of Beaulieu, a medieval house built by the abbots of Waltham Abbey, near Chelmsford, Essex. of which Carey had been 'Keeper of the King's House' in 1522, following its renovation into a opulent palace (Loades, 2011; Norton, 2013).
Whilst at Beaulieu, Mary and Anne's younger brother George, who had accompanied his sister and the king, contracted 'the sweat', although later recovered. More members of the household fell ill, including one of Anne's ladies, whose symptoms proved to be fatal. In response to this, on or around 16 June, Henry left Beaulieu for Hunsdon, accompanied by an even-smaller entourage, including a handful of attendants and physicians. Anne was sent to her father, Thomas Boleyn, Viscount Rochford, who continued to reside at her childhood home of Hever Castle, Kent, due to suspicions that she had been infected with the illness. Anne did not initially display any symptoms of the illness, confirmed in a letter written by Henry, in which he gave her reassurance of his ongoing love and devotion, as well as concerns regarding her health and wellbeing: "since you have as yet felt nothing, I hope, and am assured that it will spare you". A few days after her arrival at Hever, Anne began to experience the dreaded symptoms, including a fever; correspondence confirmed that Henry was made aware of both Anne and her father's ill health on 22 June. In response to this, Henry ordered his 'second-best' physician, Dr William Butts, to attend to the pair; by the time of Butts's arrival at Hever, both Anne and her father were out of danger, and on the road to recovery (Weir, 2011; Norton, 2013; British History Online, 2026).
The same day, 22 June, Carey began to present with symptoms of the sweat. Given Carey's position at court, it is likely that medical interventions were applied, in an attempt to treat the illness; Porter (2011) documents the strong opinions put forward by Mary and Anne's aunt, Elizabeth Stafford, Duchess of Norfolk - she recommended that victims be kept in bed for 24 hours, fasting for at least 16 hours of that, despite an intense thirst being one of the symptoms. It was also encouraged for victims to 'sweat out the disease', with hot bricks and layers of clothing and bedding being encouraged. Despite this possible intervention, as many did, Carey succumbed to the sweat within hours of first exhibiting symptoms. The location of his death remains unconfirmed; it has traditionally been believed that Carey was not one of the select few who accompanied Henry on his flee from Greenwich, given that the king did not list his close companion amongst those who had fallen ill when at Beaulieu Palace. Carey, likely accompanied by Mary, may have remained at Greenwich, or possibly abandoned the city for the more isolated countryside, as many did that summer, staying at one of the many properties he had a legal right to reside, including Wanstead (Weir, 2011).
Correspondence between Wolsey and his personal secretary Thomas Heneage, who was known to have accompanied the king to Hunsdon House, suggests ongoing communication with Carey at the end of his life. A letter sent by Heneage from Hunsdon the following day, 23 June, advises Wolsey that "Mr. Carre begs you to be gracious to his sister, a nun in Wilton Abbey, to be prioress there, according to your promise", his sister's prospects remaining a priority despite his illness. Heneage later commented "This night, as the King went to bed, word came of the death of Wm. Care": news of Carey's death took a day to reach Hunsdon (British History Online, 2026). His final burial place also remains unknown; Weir (2011) suggests that given the manner of his death, and the fear of infection after death, Carey was likely swiftly buried, possibly in a grave pit along with other victims of the disease, rather than being nobly buried amongst his ancestors in Wiltshire.
Carey was not the only high-profile victim of the 'sweating sickness' epidemic that summer. Two additional members of the king's trusted household, Sir William Compton and Sir Francis Poyntz, also succumbed to the sickness, the latter having accompanied Henry to Hunsdon. However, other members of the royal court and household, including Thomas Grey, 2nd Marquess of Dorset and his wife Margaret Wotton, as well as Carey's own brother, John Carey, later fully recovered despite contracting the illness (Weir, 2011; British History Online, 2026).
On 29 June 1528, soldier and rising courtier Sir John Russell, confirmed the death that day of his stepson, John Broughton - the son of his wife Anne Stanhope, whom he had married two years earlier. With the demise of "young Browgton", likely from the same illness given his age and time of his death, the guardianship of his younger sisters, Katherine and Anne, became a legal matter. In a letter sent the same day to Wolsey, his secretary Heneage discussed the sisters's circumstances, commenting "we think that the elder [Katherine] is of full age, and the younger [Anne] is your ward by the King's grant". Heneage also reflected that "My lady Russell takes the death of her son so sore that Russell fears, if he should not obtain your favor for the wardship of the younger sister, it will be her utter undoing" (British History Online, 2026).
Despite reports that there had been a spate of wills being written by those either suffering from or fearful of contracting the illness during this summer, Carey was not one of these; dying interstate, without a legal will, left his widow and two young children in a vulnerable financial situation. His postmortem inquisition - a local inquiry into the valuable properties held by the deceased - was held at Aylesbury, Buckinghamshire, four months after his death, on 28 October 1528. This inquisition, which also formalised the return of his offices and keeperships of multiple properties to the Crown, identified his two year old son, Henry Carey, as his legal heir (Forsyth Harwood, 1884; Weir, 2011).
Following Carey's death, his sister-in-law Anne initially continued in her pursuit of Eleanor Carey's appointment as abbess, possibly encouraged by her elder sister Mary. An undeterred Wolsey, who continued to support Dame Isobel Jordan's claim, sent Dr John Bell, Archdeacon of Gloucester, to Wilton, with the intent of uncovering scandal. Dr Bell interviewed Eleanor, who confessed that she had had two illegitimate children by "two sundry priests". She also disclosed an illicit affair with an unnamed servant of Robert Willoughby, 2nd Baron Willoughby de Broke, confirming that she had left the convent for a period of time to live as his mistress. Eleanor's disclosure, as well as investigations into her sister Anne's "loose morals", led the king to withdraw his support for Eleanor's promotion. Henry wrote to Anne Boleyn, who remained at Hever recuperating, advising her of this decision. Despite Henry also being unsupportive of Dame Isobel's claim, by November 1528, she was quietly installed as abbess, a position she remained in until her death the following decade (Weir, 2011; Norton, 2013).
Following his death, Carey's young widow Mary and her children were subsequently left unhoused; all the properties which Carey had a right to lodge at had been returned to the Crown, with Mary being unable to reside at court in her own right. Her initial pleas to her father, Sir Thomas Boleyn, for financial aid as well as seeking accommodation, were ignored. Only following the intervention of the king, likely spurred on by Anne, did Mary return to her childhood home of Hever (Weir, 2011; Norton, 2013).
In early July 1528, Anne was awarded the wardship of her two-year-old nephew Henry Carey. As described by Weir (2011), as her nephew's legal guardian, Anne had been granted custody, and subsequently the income, of the lands and property inherited by the young Henry. It also became her legal responsibility to ensure that Henry received the appropriate level of care and education during his minority. Following Anne's encouragement, on 10 December, Henry supported Mary's pursuit of financial stability, issuing her with a generous grant of £100 per annum; it has been perceived by some historians that this charitable gesture was the king making financial provisions for Catherine, thereby suggesting possible proof of her paternity (Loades, 2011; Weir, 2011).
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