On 13 February 1542, Jane Parker, Viscountess Rochford, was led to a scaffold that had been erected on Tower Green, within the Liberties of the Tower of London. It was located on the same site that her sister-in-law Anne Boleyn, the ill-fated second queen of King Henry VIII had lost her head six years previously. Whilst she had escaped the scandal which had cost her husband, George and his sister Anne their lives, it was Jane's entanglement with Henry's fifth wife Katherine Howard's extramarital affair which led to her downfall, and to her own place on that scaffold that cold Monday morning. The preceding months had also had a detrimental impact on her psychological wellbeing, which subsequently raised questions, as well as a change in the law, regarding the approach of those suffering from a disorder of the mind, in matters of high treason.
Jane had been born in c.1505, a daughter of Henry Parker, Lord Morley, and his wife Alice St John; Alice was the daughter of Sir John St John, a Bedfordshire MP and landowner, and distant relative of Margaret Beaufort, the mother of Henry VII, in whose household both her parents held positions around the time of Jane's birth (Fox, 2007). Through the St John line, Jane and her siblings were older cousins of Margaret St John, the future wife of Francis Russell, 2nd Earl of Bedford, whose own parents would play important roles during Jane's final months.
Jane first came to the Royal Court as a teenager; she was part of Queen Catherine of Aragon's household, accompanying her to the extravagant summit meeting 'The Field of the Cloth of Gold' in June 1520, as well as participating in the infamous 'Chateau Vert' masquerade on Shrove Tuesday in 1522. In late 1524, she married George, the only son and heir of Thomas Boleyn, diplomat and politician, and a favourite within Henry VIII's court. In the late 1520s, the Boleyn family had a meteoric rise to power, given the youngest Boleyn daughter Anne's marriage to Henry. Jane adopted the titles of 'Viscountess' and 'Lady Rochford' on the appointment of her husband as 'Viscount Rochford' in 1529. But as quickly as the Boleyns rose, their fall came just as swiftly; by May 1536, both Anne and George were dead, executed following trumped-up charges of treason, adultery and incest (Fox, 2007; Wilkinson, 2016).
Following the execution of her husband, Jane returned to court, likely supported by the-then Lord Chancellor Thomas Cromwell. She served in the households of Henry's next two wives, Jane Seymour and Anne of Cleves; it was whilst in the household of the latter that she would have first encountered a teenage Katherine Howard, who was also gaied a coveted place within the royal household (Norton, 2013). On Katherine's marriage to Henry in August 1540, Jane found herself appointed as one of the ladies of the privy chamber; however, as as one of the most experienced ladies at court, as well as a cousin by marriage, Jane soon found herself becoming a close confidant to the young 'frivolous' queen (Weir, 1991).
In contrast to the 'innocent young flower' that Henry perceived his young bride to be, and with whom the middle-aged King was besotted, Katherine soon entered into extramarital liaisons with Thomas Culpeper, a gentleman of the Privy Chamber and favourite of the King (Fraser, 1992). It has been speculated that the couple may have known each other prior to her marriage; however, what is known, from subsequent witness statements and confessions, is that Katherine and Culpeper corresponded with each other, and met secretly and repeatedly, at multiple locations at night, including whilst on Royal Progress during the summer of 1541 (Norton, 2013). In August 1541, Francis Dereham entered into Katherine's service, being appointed as her personal secretary; he had previous acquaintance, as like Katherine, he had previously resided at the Dowager Duchess of Norfolk's household, where she had spent her formative years. Weir (1991, p.478) described Dereham as having "possessed information that could cause untold harm to Katherine’s reputation", referring to the later disclosed historical sexual relationship between the pair, which likely contributed to his appointment. Whilst Dereham was later accused of entering Katherine's service with 'malicious intent', there is no evidence that there was any further liaisons between the two after her marriage.
At the end of October 1541, a man named John Lascelles approached Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury; he disclosed that he had been informed by his sister Mary Hall, who had also resided in the household of the Dowager Duchess at the same time of the Queen, of stories of inappropriate sexual behaviour between Katherine and two men - their music tutor Henry Manox (who appeared to have taken advantage of her, given her young age) and Dereham. On 01 November, Cramner relayed these reports to the King. Henry ordered for more information to be obtained, including from Katherine herself; Cramner subsequently led a delegation in a series of interviews from 06 November at Hampton Court Palace, where the Royal Court were now gathered (Weir, 1991; Russell, 2017).
Initially, Jane's participation in Katherine's betrayal went undiscovered, and she was allowed to remain with her mistress. However, as the interviews progressed, Jane's level of involvement became known, and suspicion landed on her. Further interviews with both Katherine and Culpeper proved Jane to not only be knowledgable of the couple's activities, but also an active participant (Norton, 2013). The couple went so far as to both identify Jane as the instigator of their meetings, as well reporting that she would continually actively encourage the ongoing liaisons and flirtation; a surviving letter from Catherine to Culpeper refers to 'my Lady Rochford' (Russell, 2017). Faced with these accusations, Jane herself was interviewed on the 13 November. With the evidence in front of her, she could not deny any involvement,; however, she denied that she had been the instigator, but rather portrayed herself as a 'victim', entangled in the young lovers's affair (Fox, 2007; Russell, 2017). Denny (2006, pp.229-30) has been highly critical of Jane's character, describing her as a "strange and cold-blooded woman", who attempted to portray herself as a 'devoted servant' but quick to denounce others to 'save her own skin', with Fraser (1992) highlighting Katherine's youth and impressionability. Fox (2007) on the other hand feels that Jane, having spent the majority of her adult life in royal households, was aware of potential consequences of disobeying orders from her mistress, that being dismissal and exile to the country, and so was keen to remain within the centre of court life. Russell (2016, p. 330) describes Jane's testimonies that day as a series of "confusing half-truths", "unprovable improbabilities" and "complete lies", with reports of initial 'hysterical' behaviour coming as early as this first line of questioning. This may be the closest to the truth, as whilst Jane clearly played a central role in this betrayal, there is evidence that Katherine was not fully naive, was always fully aware of the potential consequences of discovery, and continued in this dangerous affair (Fraser, 1992).
On 14 November, Katherine was moved to Syon Abbey, the former monastery located in the parish of Isleworth, near Richmond Palace, accompanied by John Dudley, Viscount Lisle, her Master of Horse (Russell, 2017). Her household was disbanded, and many ladies were sent to the households of other royal women, including her stepdaughter, Lady Mary's, and she was soon stripped of her queenship (Russell, 2017). Many of Katherine's allies, including family members, were subsequently arrested and imprisoned at the Tower of London, accused of misprision (that is knowledge of Katherine's treacherous acts, and not informing the appropriate authorities); however, many of them were later released and pardoned (Weir, 1991).
The same day, Jane was formally arrested and taken from Hampton Court to the Tower of London; however, it appears that her health was quickly deteriorating by this time. Imperial Ambassador Eustace Chapuys, a prolific writer and documentor of events in the court of Henry VIII, described Jane as 'losing her reason' on her third day of imprisonment (17 November). Russell (2017) relays reports that Jane was "served with a fit of madness by which her brain is affected", whilst Fox (2007, p.302) described Jane as "hysterical and overwhelmed", potentially given the realisation of her central proximity to events, as well as the wrath of Henry.
It is important to highlight that our modern understanding of health and illness, including mental illness and the psychological impact of stressful life events, significantly differs to the understanding of those living in the 16th century. There appears to have been a wide-range of abnormal behaviours, either acute or chronic, which come the umbrella terms of 'lunacy' or 'madness'. In the 16th century, in particular related to women, there were beliefs that mental illness had supernatural origins: that it was 'inspired by the devil', as a consequence of witchcraft, and subsequently affected people should be punished, rather than treated by medical professionals (Dimitrijevic, 2015).
Taking into account Jane's recent life stressors, in the apparent absence of a history of mental illness or 'early warning signs' (including the impact on her ability to perform expected duties or a withdrawal from court or society), a modern interpretation of her presentation at this time could suggest an ''Acute Stress Reaction'; however, given the duration and fluctuation of her symptoms which appeared to continue over several months, 'An Acute and Transient Psychotic Episode' could also be considered, as stress reactions generally resolve within days or weeks of the life event. A person suffering from an acute psychotic episode may display symptoms including:
disordered mood - elated, 'hysterical', mood lability
flight of ideas, pressure of speech, tangential/disorganised thinking
restlessness, agitated
aggressive, hostile behaviour
psychomotor retardation. catatonia, echopraxia, echolalia
hallucinations/perceptional disturbances - visual, auditory, tactile,
delusional beliefs (fixed false beliefs) - paranoid ideation, grandiosity
formal thought disorder
cognitive impairment - confusion, disorientation
sleep disturbances
self harm or suicidal ideation or behaviours
The symptoms, which are often exacerbated by increased anxiety and sleep disturbances, can develop quickly. In the 21st century, with pharmacological intervention, treatment for the acute phase is more effective. In the 16th century, the illness would therefore take longer to resolve; however, treatments were offered to the mentally ill, which ranged from herbal remedies, including those to induce vomiting, use of leeches and blood letting (Dimitrijevic, 2015).
The decision was made to move Jane out of the Tower of London, and into more comfortable surroundings. She was taken down river in the direction of Whitehall, to Russell House, located on The Strand, the London home of Sir John Russell, Lord High Admiral. Russell, who had been a gentleman of Henry father's privy chamber since 1507, had served the King abroad throughout his reign, both militarily and diplomatically; however, his career appeared to have advanced from the late 1530s, culminating in his appointment as Lord High Admiral on 28 July 1540 (History of Parliament Online, 2024). As a long-standing and trusted member of the King's council, being one of the delegation involved in the interviews of witnesses at Hampton Court, and who would later participate in the trials of Culpeper and Dereham, it can be understood why this location was chosen (Fox, 2007).
Jane was subsequently placed under the care and supervision of the Admiral's wife, Anne Sapcote; Lady Russell would have been known to Jane, from the couple's attendance at court, including her position as one of Mary Tudor's ladies-in-waiting. Jane had also accompanied Henry and Katherine on Royal Progress to the Russell's Buckinghamshire home of Cheynes earlier that summer, where one of the alleged indiscretions between Katherine and Culpeper was alleged to have taken place (Fox, 2007). Despite this relocation to Russell House, and apparant reprive, Henry's attention remained focused on Jane. He sent his personal physicians to visit her daily, to monitor her progress, and support her in her recovery. However, there was a clear ulterior motive, as Henry was eager for Jane to be nursed back to health, and be mentally fit so that legal proceedings against her could continue. He was furious that Katherine had cuckolded him, and that Jane had played such a significant role in enabling this treacherous behaviour; just as how he had punished her husband and his sister five years previously, so Henry wanted to heavily and publicly punish Jane (Fox, 2007; Russell, 2017). Jane reportedly appeared to show some signs of improvement following her transfer from the Tower; however, her mental state continued to fluctuate, with reports of 'lucid intervals'; Wilkinson (2016, p.211) notes contemporary descriptions which suggest that "every now and then she recovers her reason", although her mental state remained 'delicate'. Legally however, Jane remained unable to be tried or arraigned, with ongoing concerns related to her 'sanity', and subsequently her capacity to be held accountable for her actions, which appears to have continued until February 1542. Henry knew that if he was to get his justice against Jane, then the law would need to change (Norton, 2013).
On 01 December, Culpeper and Dereham were taken from the Tower of London, where they both had been held since their arrests a few weeks earlier, to the City of London's Guildhall, accompanied by the Tower's Constable, Sir John Gage. It was here, in the Great Hall, that the men formally stood accused of High Treason, in committing adultery with Katherine, to which they pleaded not guilty (Russell, 2017). Chapuys documented that he believed that had there been no concerns regarding her mental state, Jane is likely to have stood trial alongside the men on this date, given the statements from Katherine and Culpeper, identifying her clear involvement (Wilkinson, 2016).
Following the presentation of the evidence, which included the interviews of witnesses, regarding both historical and recent events, as well as the confession from Katherine herself, after six hours, both men were found guilty of high treason, and subsequently sentenced to death; as for those convicted as treason, their sentence was that they were to be hanged, drawn and quartered, with their executions to take place at Tyburn. In addition, indictments were read against the absent Katherine and Jane (Russell, 2017). Culpeper and Dereham were returned to the Tower to await their sentence, with Dereham undergoing torture to try and elicit a confession regarding any recent sexual activity with Katherine, which he denied (Weir, 1991).
Both men's families petitioned against the original punishment; however, it was only Culpeper's sentence that was commuted to beheading, given his noble lineage. The men's death warrants were signed on 09 December, and following delays due to unavailbility of the Privy Council, the executions took place the following day  (Weir, 1991; Wilkinson, 2016). On the morning of 10 December, the men were tied to wooden hurdles and dragged the four miles from the Tower of London, through the streets of the city of London, to the wooden gallows at Tyburn, a small village close to the current location of Marble Arch, where a large crowd had gathered. Culpeper was executed first; there was no executioner's block on the gallows, and so he placed his head close to the ground, and was decapited with one stroke of the axe. Next came Dereham, who suffered the complete horrific traitor's death: he was hung from the gallows until almost dead, cut down, and was then castrated and disembowelled, with the organs burnt in front of him. He was subsequently beheaded, and finally his other limbs cut from his torso. Following their deaths, both decapitated heads were placed on pikes above London Bridge, as warnings to others, with Dereham's dismembered body parts displayed at various points around the city (Weir, 1991; Russell, 2017).
Henry's fury continued to be directed towards Jane, who remained at Russell House, under daily monitoring by physicians; however, there appeared to be no clear signs of sustained recovery, with reports of an ongoing 'frenzy' into the New Year (Weir, 1991). Prior to these events, any person who was displaying signs of 'lunacy' or 'madness' was unable to be tried or attained for high treason, even if they were not displaying any symptoms at the time of the alleged events. Subsequently, Henry set his chief minister, Thomas Audley, Lord High Chancellor with a mission - to pass a new statue into law, which would enable Jane to be attained, despite the ongoing concerns regarding her ongoing 'madness' (Fox, 2007; Russell, 2017).
Henry was keen to have a resolution to this unsavoury matter, but did not wish for Katherine to stand in a public trial. When Parliament reconvened on 16 January 1542, after the Christmas break, their primary issue was the fate of Katherine and her accomplices, primarily Jane. A Bill of Attainder was drawn up the same day, with a petition made to the King from the combined Houses of Lords and Commons, that Jane and Katherine should be attainted and subsequently sentenced to death. Whilst Henry was in agreement with this process, both Henry and Audley were concerned about rash decisions being made without Katherine having the opportunity to defend herself, leading to the initial suspension of the Bill. The Privy Council subsequently argued against this approach, believing that Parliament were 'being too humane' towards Katherine, and so pushed for the Bill to be put through, which would lead to a judgement to the case. As with any statute being enacted into law, Audley needed to ensure that the new Bill was appropriately read out and passed through both Houses of Parliament; this was done so on 06 and 07 February. (Weir, 1991).
A clear sign that formalised changes were imminent was that Jane was moved from Russell House back to the Tower of London on 09 February. As she was rowed up river to the Tower by barge, she would have passed under London Bridge, and likely seen the familiar faces of the decapitated heads of Culpeper and Dereham. As the Tower cells were fully occupied at the time with other high-status prisoners, it is believed that Jane was kept in Royal Lodgings, either the King's or Queen's Apartments. Katherine herself arrived at the Tower the following day, on 10 February, with the two women being kept separately, although awaiting the same fate (Fox, 2007). It was now Katherine's turn to display agitated and troubled behaviour; she initially refused to leave Syon, despite encouragement, leading her to be 'bundled' into the waiting barge, continuing to appear anxious, 'weak' and distressed following her arrival at the Tower (Weir, 1991).
Whilst the Act of Attainder against Katherine and Jane was ready to be passed into law, the King's signature was absent on the document; therefore, the women's executions could not take place. The decision was taken by Audley to not bother an anguished King further, but to attach the Great Seal in its place (Weir, 1991). On 11 February, both Acts were read out in Parliament, to members of both Houses, and Royal Assent was proclaimed for:
Public Act, 33 Henry VIII, c. 20 - An Act for due Process to be had in high Treasons, in Cases of Lunacy or Madness
Public Act, 33 Henry VIII, c. 21 - An Act concerning the Attainder of the late Queen Katharine and her Complices
Subsequently, Katherine and "that Bawd Lady Rochford" were legally convicted of High Treason by the Act of Attainder; the other Act addressed Jane's ongoing disordered mental state, and the provisions which had been made for judgment to proceed (UK Parliament, 2024). The women were formally sentenced to death, with confirmation that their property would be confiscated by the Crown. As no executions took place on the Sabbath, the condemned women's deaths were scheduled for Monday 13 February (Russell, 2017).
Katherine and Jane were informed of their sentences and scheduled executions on 12 February, less than twenty-four hours of the planned events. There were different responses from the two women; Katherine, who had continued to appear anxious following her transfer from Syon two days previously, became further distressed, and requested a block to practice 'lying her head on'. She was likely recalling the botched and horrific execution of the elderly Margaret Plantagenet, Countess of Salisbury the previous May, where a young and inexperienced executioner 'hacked' at her head and shoulders, taking eleven strokes before finally decapitating her (Weir, 1991). Jane, on the other hand, appeared to accept the decision with a degree of calmness. Chapuys, who had commented on her mental state some months earlier, stated that Jane had continued to show signs of 'madness' right until she was informed that she would die, that is the 12 February when informed that she should 'prepare her soul for death' (Norton, 2013; Russell, 2017). Chapuys's statement and Jane's apparent lack of hysteria on the scaffold at the end has raised conflicting opinions amongst her contemporaries and modern historians, in regards to her mental state and the authenticity of her symptoms. It is acknowledged by many that Jane is likely to have shown truth symptoms of mental illness, or significant emotional distress, in November 1541, on her arrest and imprisonment in the Tower of London. Whilst Fox (2007, p.302) describes her "breakdown as understandable", finding herself at the centre of events, Denny's (2006, p.248) opinion is this was a consequence of the realisations "that her betrayal of [Katherine] would not save her". In regards to the duration of her symptoms, Norton (2013, p.230) focuses on the reports of 'lucid intervals', viewing these as a sign of recovery, expressing the belief that "it may be that her lack of sanity was rather questionable anyway". She also brings attention to 'Public Act, 33 Henry VIII, c.20', stating that the act acknowledged that there was difficulties in identifying 'real' and 'feigned' cases of 'madness'. Russell (2017, p.365) is on the fence about Jane's mental state towards the end of her life - he acknowledges both potential arguments, that she could have possibly have exagerrated or prolonged her initial symptoms in an attempt to save her life, or that the news of her sentence "shocked her into sanity".
At 9 o'clock in the morning of 13 February, Katherine, former queen of England, was led to the scaffold, around which many members of the Privy Council had gathered. It was observed that she continued to appeared 'weak', and as such could hardly walk or speak; however, when her time came, she was said to have 'died well' (Russell, 2017). Following her death, her sobbing ladies wrapped her body in a black cloth, and placed it in a coffin, whilst sawdust was thrown in an attempt to soak up the blood which now covered the block (Fraser, 1992).
Jane was collected from the Royal Apartments and escorted to the scaffold by Tower Constable Sir John Gage, and like Katherine, she was dressed in black, wearing a velvet gown, shoes, gloves and stockings (Fox, 2007). Once on the block, Jane spoke for longer than Katherine; she acknowledged that she had been a 'wretched sinner', and begged for forgiveness and mercy from both God and the King (Russell, 2017). There were, however, no reports of hysterical or inappropriate behaviour on the scaffold; whilst her speech has been described as a 'long discord of her faults', it has not been attributed to psychiatric symptomatology. Fox (2007, p.310) describing her as facing her end with "bravery" and "composure", kneeling down, and meeting "the most godly and Christian of ends" (Russell, 2017, p.367).
As with her mistress, Jane's decapitated body was wrapped in cloth, placed in a coffin, and carried to the nearby royal chapel of St Peter ad Vincula. Stones laid at the altar were lifted, and the pair were quickly buried, Jane lying next to her mistress she had unwisely served for the rest of eternity (Fraser, 1992). Whilst both women died subject to attainder, this was reversed by Mary I in 1553, as theirs was one which did not carry the Royal Signature, only the Royal Seal (Weir, 1991).
Â
Bibliography: Dimitrijevic A. (2015). 'Being Mad in Early Modern England.' Frontiers in Psychology. Available at: https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC4652010/ (Accessed 06 Dec 2024).
Denny, J., (2005). Katherine Howard: A Tudor Conspiracy. London: Portrait. Fox, J., (2007). Jane Boleyn: The Infamous Lady Rochford. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. Fraser, A., (1992). The Six Wives of Henry VIII. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson Ltd.
'RUSSELL, Sir John (c.1485-1555), of Berwick, Dorset; Russell House, the Strand, Mdx and Chenies, Bucks.' History of Parliament Online [website]. Available at: https://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1509-1558/member/russell-sir-john-1485-1555 (Accessed 04 Dec 2024).
Norton, E., (2013). The Boleyn Women: The Tudor femmes fatales who changed English history. Stroud: Amberley.
Russell, G., (2017). Young & Damned & Fair: The Life and Tragedy of Catherine Howard at the Court of Henry VIII. London: William Collins.
'Public Act, 33 Henry VIII, cc. 20 and 21.' UK Parliamentary Archives [website]. Available at:https://archives.parliament.uk/collections/getrecord/GB61_HL_PO_PU_1_1541_37H8n33 (Accessed 03 Dec 2024).
Weir, A., (1991). The Six Wives of Henry VIII. London: Pimlico.
Wilkinson, J., (2016). Katherine Howard: The Tragic Story of Henry VIII's Fifth Queen. London: John Murray (Publishers).
Â
Comments