The Execution of Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey - 19 January 1547
- thedudleywomen
- Jan 19
- 14 min read
On a cold morning on Wednesday 19 January 1547, Tudor courtier, soldier and poet Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, was taken to the scaffold on Tower Hill, where he was beheaded, following his conviction for high treason one week earlier. With his death, Surrey, the eldest son and heir of the recently deposed and co-accused Lord High Treasurer, Thomas Howard, 3rd Duke of Norfolk, would be the last man to be executed during the reign of Henry VIII.
Descriptions of Surrey's temperament and personality have led historians, including Hutchinson (2005) to label him "an extraordinary paradox". From analysis of his poems, he appears to demonstrate both an intellectual and sensitive disposition, which was said to have stemmed from his upbringing and education, and highly influenced by his inseparable friendship with 'soulmate' Henry Fitzroy, Duke of Richmond and Somerset, Henry VIII's acknowledged illegitimate son. Spending their youths together at Windsor Castle, before joining the Royal Court, the 'kindred spirits' appear to have a positive impact on each other, although Surrey's hot-headedness remained. This impulsive and impetuousness often led to conflicts with others, his disagreeable personality traits emerging when faced with those he believed had slighted him, or towards those belonging to a lower social class, with the young Earl often presenting as arrogant and vain. A conflict with Edward Seymour, Viscount Beauchamp, in 1536, led to Surrey being imprisoned for two weeks at Windsor, after striking the king's brother-in-law across the face when at court (Hutchinson, 2005; Childs, 2006; Borman, 2018).
Despite these obvious flaws in his personality, the king long held Surrey in a high level of esteem, his close relationship to his son not going unforgotten following Fitzroy's premature death in July 1536. Having earlier accompanied Henry VIII to France in the early 1530s, Surrey's military career continued after the death of his companion, initially fighting alongside his father Norfolk, in suppressing rebellions in northern English counties , with later postings in Scotland and France in the 1540s (Sessions, 1999; Hutchinson, 2009).
Surrey's success did not last long, with his reported arrogance and impetuousness leading to a humiliating defeat against the French army at Boulougne in January 1546, events of which led to the eventual loss of the territory, Returning to England and to court in late March 1546, he was stripped of his military appointments, falling out of favour with Henry, who persistently refused to grant him an audience, despite Surrey's repeated requests (Childs, 2006).
St Leonard's Priory in Norwich was disbanded in 1540, one of many religious houses systematically dissolved and closed, as part of the Dissolution of the Monasteries, between 1536 and 1541. The site, located on Mousehold Heath, a raised area located to the north-east, bordered by the River Wensum and just outside its city walls, was acquired by Surrey in 1542, prior to his disgrace and ostracisation by an increasingly unpredictable and capricious monarch. He subsequently set about on an ambitious building and renovation project, as many who had acquired old priory buildings did during this period, eponymously renaming the property 'Surrey House' or 'Mount Surrey'. Whilst initial building plans describe the house as a traditional English gothic structure, complete with military battlements, insignia and ornamental cannon, contemporary reports also describe renaissance classical components, including those of Grecian architecture, which were later seen at Somerset Place and Longleat (Sessions, 1999; Childs, 2006).
To accompany his new proprety, Surrey decided to commission a new 'imposing' coat of arms, which he felt would reflect his noble ancestry, as well as his military achievements. He experimented with various additional quarterings, including those of 'Edward the Confessor' and 'Geoffrey of Anjou', and coat of arms of Brotherton. In August 1545, Christopher Barker, the Chief Herald of the College of Arms, was consulted with view of his new heraldry being approved. Barker removed the shield of 'Geoffrey Plantagenet' and those of 'Brotherton', advising Surrey that he was not entitled to bear this; however, the design of the Anglo-Saxon king was retained, despite this being a royal coat of arms. Over a year later, on 07 October 1546, Surrey began to publicly display his new heraldry: on a stained-glass window fitted at Mount Surrey, whilst shields were painted at Norfolk's seat, Kenninghall Palace. It would be these acts, in addition to the purchase of a stamp bearing this new design, which would lead to Surrey's downfall (Williams, 1964; Childs, 2006).
It was also around this time that Surrey commissioned a portrait of himself, to hang imposingly in the entrance of Mount Surrey. This painting, which has been attributed to William Scrotes and is one of the earliest surviving portraits on canvas, drew on continental influences; the Earl is portrayed in ornamental and flamboyant clothing, for which he was known to have worn, and is surrounded by classical architectural motives, reportedly reflective of the designs of his new home. Suffolk purposely brings attention to himself, as the future of the Howard dynasty: he includes his age (29) in the full length portrait, his pose, complete with codpiece, emphasising his youth, health and virility. The inclusion of his adopted motto SAT SUPER EST ('Enough Survives') can be interpreted in different ways: either as an attempt to regain favour, following his earlier disgrace in France, or as an attempt to reassert his position within the Royal Court and centre himself within discussions relating to the succession (Sessions, 1999; National Portrait Gallery, 2026).
By the summer of 1546, Henry VIII's health and mobility significantly deteriorated, with the king suffering from flare-ups of his leg ulcers. In addition to a physical decline and the prospect of his own mortality, Henry's mental and psychological health was impacted. The king was described as presenting with a "continuous melancholy", with his own negative personality traits becoming more prominent, including extreme paranoia and unpredictability. On the background of the king's ailing heath, a schism within his government formed, with the emergence of two feuding factions: one, led by Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, supported by Lord High Treasurer Thomas Howard, 3rd Duke of Norfolk, who pitted against the younger Reformist 'new men' of government, including Edward Seymour, now Earl of Hertford and John Dudley, Viscount Lisle. Tensions between the two sides rose when, following a further deterioration in Henry's health in October 1546, access to the king was restricted, with Gardiner, Norfolk and their supporters finding themselves alienated from the monarch they had served for decades. Attention turned to the topic of Henry's succession, and for the less-favoured faction, who saw this as an opportunity to regain power and influence, the house of Howard became a focal point, much to the vexation of those now closest to the dying king (Hutchinson, 2005; Childs, 2006).
Whilst Surrey's use of Edward the Confessor's coat of arms had been ill-advised and controversial, his use and display of this had been made following consultation and permission of the College of Arms. Wriothesley, acting on behalf of an increasingly paranoid and suspicious Henry VIII, interpreted his actions as a 'malicious threat' to the king, under the Second Succession Act of 1536. By bearing this coat of arms "namely, azure, a cross fleury, between five merletts gold" at Kenninghall, by his actions, Surrey was perceived of attempting to "disturb or deprive the King and his heirs of their royal titles and dignities 'by words, writing, imprinting or by any exterior act or deed'". Rather than addressing the inclusion and use of his new coat of arms as heraldic offences, it was decided that Surrey be arrested on charges of high treason (Hutchinson, 2005; Childs, 2006).
Just after 4 o'clock in the afternoon, on Thursday 02 December 1546, Surrey was arrested at Whitehall Palace on the orders of Henry VIII. Organised by the Privy Council, Surrey having been coaxed away from his entourage and other courtiers after dinner, was seized by twelve armed men, and immediately taken from Westminster by boat; his arrest was so discreet that his father Norfolk was not aware of the arrest until later that evening. Accompanied by the king's captain of the guard, Sir Anthony Wingfield, Surrey was initially taken to Ely Place, the Holborn home of Thomas Writholesey, Lord High Chancellor, where he spent the first ten days of his imprisonment, subject to interrogation, during which he denied any charges of treason put to him, and demanded a 'fair judicial trial'. On Sunday 12 December, Surrey was humiliatingly marched by foot from Holborn, once again accompanied by Wingfield, through the streets of the city of London, to the Tower of London (Sessions, 1999; Childs, 2006).
Norfolk was at Kenninghall when he learned of his son's arrest; he soon wrote to his allies at court, in an attempt to learn news of his fate, before leaving for the capital. Following his arrival to Westminster, also on 12 December, Norfolk was arrested on similar charges to his son, having allowed the coat of arms to be displayed in his home. He was stripped of his position of Lord Treasurer, with his wand of office removed from him. Norfolk was also taken to the Tower; in contrast to his son, he was afforded the more private transfer by river, and kept in more comfortable accommodation. Members of the Privy Council were dispatched to Kenninghall to complete an inventory of the Duke's belongings, reaching it at dawn on Tuesday 14 December. There they found frightened female relatives, including Surrey's pregnant wife Frances, Norfolk's mistress Bessie Holland, and his strong-willed daughter Mary Howard (Hutchinson, 2009).
Whilst awaiting his trial, Surrey was kept in moderately comfortable surroundings within the Tower, being allowed two attendants to wait on him. Tapestries hung from the walls, and a fire burned, in an attempt to keep the cold winter weather at bay, and he slept on a feather bed, with pillows, quilt, sheet and blankets. The Earl was given candles and writing materials, which he used to continue his translations of psalms. A Spanish Chronicle alleged that Surrey made an an attempt to escape from the Tower prior his trial; it was reported that the Earl, residing in St Thomas' Tower, attempted to lower himself down a lavatory shaft, into the moat at low tide. However, his attempts were foiled by guards, who discovered he was not in bed, and interrupted his reported escape (Childs, 2006).
On 07 January 1547, at a hearing at Norwich Castle, a Norfolk grand jury supported the inditement of charges of high treason. Less than a week later, on 13 January, Surrey was formally and publicly tried for treason. Accompanied by the Sir John Gage, Constable of the Tower, Surrey was taken from his lodgings within the Tower, and marched the mile through the cramped streets to the City of London Guildhall, an early 15th century municipal building, being the centre of city's administration. Despite his impetuous and often conceited behaviours, in particular towards those of a lower social class, Surrey was a popular figure, and many Londoners turned up to see his humiliating walk to the Guildhall, lined by up to 300 armed guards (Barron, 1977; Hutchinson, 2005).
Having arrived at the Guildhall, Surrey was taken into the Great Hall, where he was met by the twenty-four Norfolk jurors who had travelled from Kenninghall and the surrounding area, half of whom were previous acquaintances. Also present were some of the Earl's longstanding political rivals, including Hertford and Lisle, with Wriothesley overseeing the eight-hour hearing, during which Surrey vehemently denied the charges of high treason put to him (Williams, 1964; Hutchinson, 2005).
Over six hours of evidence were heard, including that of Surrey's sister Mary Howard, Dowager Duchess of Richmond and Somerset, the widow of the king's acknowledged illegitimate son and Surrey's once closest companion, Henry Fitzroy. Having been called to London for further interrogation, Mary, who had long held animosity towards her brother and father, had relayed reports of plans for her to marry Sir Thomas Seymour, as well as describing the bitterness held by her brother towards the 'new men' of the court (Childs, 2006; Hutchinson, 2009). As Williams (1964) reflected, the repeated conflicted between leading members of the Howard family was a primary factor to their downfall, with their political rivals opportunistically and strategically exploiting these divisions. Surrey disputed these accusationss, commenting angrily to the court “Must I then be condemned on the word of a wretched woman?” Sir William Paget, Secretary of State, left the hearing to attend the king at Westminster, and update him on the day's events; on his return to the Guildhall later that day, the jury then retired for private discussion and deliberation (Hutchinson, 2009)..
At 5 o'clock in the afternoon, the court was reassembled; the foreman, Sir William Paston, a knight from Norfolk, of whom Surrey was previously acquainted, proclaimed that the jury found him guilty of treason against the king, and so should be put to death. An incensed and ever-petulant Surrey snapped back at this verdict, directing criticism at the present Hertford and Lisle - “I know the king wants to get rid of the noble blood around him and employ none but low people”. Wriothesley then pronounced the sentence on the now-condemned Surrey: that he should be taken back to the Tower, where he should be held until the time when he should undergo a traitor's death:
“Henry Howard, you are to be taken to the place from whence you came; from there to be dragged through the City of London to the place of execution called Tyburn. There to be hanged, cut down while still alive, your privy parts to be cut off and your bowels to be taken out of your body and burnt before you, your head to be cut off and your body divided into four parts, the head and quarters to be set at such places as the King shall assign”
Surrey's death sentence now being proclaimed upon him, he was returned to the Tower, again marched through the city, the leading guard now having his axe turned towards him, as a confirmation to the many who lined the streets to witness his journey back to the Tower, of the guilty verdict and of Surrey's subsequent condemnation (Hutchinson, 2005; Childs, 2006).
On 12 January 1547, Norfolk submitted a statement, in which he admitted that "I have concealed high treason, in keeping secret the false acts of my son, Henry Earl of Surrey, in using the arms of St. Edward the Confessor, which pertain only to kings" (Borman, 2008, p.505). In confessing his actions, and offering up the majority of his estates to 'Prince Edward', Norfolk was seeking mercy from a monarch he had served for over two decades. These attempts were unsuccessful, as Bills of Attainder against both Norfolk and Surrey were passed into Parliament on 18 January, backdated to 07 October 1546; these Acts stripped the two noblemen of their titles, in addition to their lands and wealth, making them forfeit to the crown (Hutchinson 2005; Borman, 2018).
On the morning of Wednesday 19 January 1547, Surrey was taken from the Tower of London, to nearby Tower Hill, a raised open piece of land, overlooking the imposing fortress, on which had been erected a permanent scaffold in the mid-15th century. Thousands of spectators travelling from the Cities of London and Westminster would gather at the scaffold to witness public executions, the site having easy access by foot or river. Despite Henry's anger and heightened paranoia, Surrey's sentence had been commuted to that of beheading; Sir John Gage, as the Tower's Constable and administrative head of the Liberties of the Tower, was subsequently responsible for the overseeing of the execution of a highly-popular figure (Porter, 2012; Map of Early Modern London, 2025).
Conflicting reports regarding his last words on the scaffold exist: one report is that Surrey, like many about to meet their end at the hands of the executioner, accepted his fate, and asked for forgiveness from God and the king. However, another report notes that Surrey spoke 'a great deal in his defence', until unable to speak any more; given his impassionate protestations at his trial, and his known personality traits, the latter report appears more probable (Childs, 2006).
!['Tomb of Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, and Frances de Vere, St Michael's Church, Framlingham'. ©Steve Parker [Flickr]](https://static.wixstatic.com/media/ed9b82_845e5b5534934895826886d253685f4a~mv2.png/v1/fill/w_980,h_610,al_c,q_90,usm_0.66_1.00_0.01,enc_avif,quality_auto/ed9b82_845e5b5534934895826886d253685f4a~mv2.png)
Following his execution, Surrey's decapitated body was taken to the nearby church of All Hallows Barking (since renamed 'All Hallows by the Tower'), where it was buried. Surrey's remains continued to lay there until 1613, when just prior to his own death, the Earl's younger son Henry Howard, 1st Earl of Northampton, ordered them to be moved to St Michael's Church, adjacent to the Howard seat of Framlingham, Suffolk, where a family mortuary had been established in the 1540s. Northampton commissioned a coloured alabaster tomb, completed in 1614 (and restored in the 1970s), in commemoration of his parents, Surrey and his wife Frances De Vere, whose remains were also buried in the church following her death in 1577 (Childs, 2006; St Michael's Framlingham, 2025).
Norfolk remained in the Tower of London, lodged in the newly-constructed comfortable apartments belonging to Sir John Gage, overlooking Tower Green, awaiting his own fate. On 27 January 1547, a joint parliamentary session of the Houses of Lords and Commons was held, overseen by Wriothesley, in which Royal Assent was passed on the Bills of Attainder for Norfolk and the recently-executed Surrey. Henry VIII was too unwell to attend this session, or even sign the appropriate documentation, and so use of the 'dry stamp' was permitted. With the passing of these Bills of Attainder, Norfolk's own date of execution appeared imminent, with the Duke being encouraged to prepare himself for death; however, less than 36 hours later, at 2 o'clock in the morning, on 29 January, Henry VIII died at Hampton Court Palace. With the king's death, came Norfolk's survival. The late king's will, formalised the previous month, had made provisions for a Regency Council - comprising of sixteen trusted members of Henry's Privy Council, including Hertford and Lisle - to rule during his son Edward VI's minority. The Council made the decision to not commence the new regime with bloodshed; Norfolk's execution warrant subsequently remained unsigned. The disgraced Duke remained imprisoned in the Tower throughout Edward's reign, only being released and pardoned following the proclamation of Mary I in July 1553 (Hutchinson, 2005; Childs, 2006).
Surrey was survived by four living children - Thomas, Henry, Jane and Katherine. His wife Frances gave birth to their fifth child, a daughter Margaret, shortly after the Earl's execution; it was reported that she was due to commence her traditional 'lying-in' at Candlemas, being 02 February 1547. At the time of their father's arrest, the children were living with their mother at Kenninghall; however, with Surrey's arrest, the household was divided, and nursery attendants dismissed. Eldest son and heir 10-year-old Thomas, was initially placed in the care of Sir John Williams, Treasurer of the Court of Augmentations, whilst the younger children were placed in the care of courtier Sir Thomas Wentworth. However, after Surrey's execution, custody of his children was granted to their paternal aunt, Mary Howard, and the siblings were reunited at Reigate Castle Surrey, one of Norfolk's properties not to be confiscated. By the end of 1549, Mary had appointed Reformist clergyman and theologian John Foxe as their tutor; Foxe remained with the Howard children until the Duke's release from the Tower, although remained close to the eldest, Thomas, later 4th Duke of Norfolk, throughout his life (Stephen, 1889; Williams, 1964; Hutchinson, 2009).
[See 'THE DUDLEY WOMEN' post: John Foxe and the Howards]
Bibliography: Barron, C.M. (1977). The Medieval Guildhall of London. London: Corporation of London. Borman, T. (2018). Henry VIII and the Men Who Made Him. London: Hodder & Stoughton. Childs, J. (2006). Henry VIII's Last Victim: The Life and Times of Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey. London: Jonathan Cape. Hutchinson, R. (2005). The Last Days of Henry VIII: Conspiracy, Treason and Heresy at the Court of the Dying Tyrant. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. Hutchinson, R. (2009). House of Treason: The Rise and Fall of a Tudor Dynasty. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. 'Tower Hill'. "Map of Early Modern London'. [website]. Available at: https://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/TOWE1.htm (Accessed 01 Oct 2025). 'Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey'. National Portrait Gallery. [website]. Available at: https://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/portrait/mw07933/Henry-Howard-Earl-of-Surrey (Accessed 08 Jan 2026). Porter, S. (2012). The Tower of London. A Biography. Stroud: Amberley Publishing. Sessions, W. A. (1999). Henry Howard. The Poet Earl of Surrey: A Life. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Stephen, L. (ed). (1889). Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. XX: Forrest-Garner. New York: Macmillan and Co. 'Historical Tombs'. St Michael's Framlingham. [website]. Available at: https://stmichaelsframlingham.org.uk/history/historical-tombs/ (Accessed 11 Jun 2025). Williams, N. (1964). A Tudor Tragedy: Thomas Howard Fourth Duke of Norfolk. London: Barrie & Jenkins.
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