The Durham Place Marriages - 25 May 1553
- thedudleywomen
- May 25
- 13 min read
Updated: May 28
On 25 May 1553, numerous guests including members of the Privy Council and foreign ambassadors, gathered at Durham Place, the Westminster residence of John Dudley, 1st Duke of Northumberland to witness a triple wedding celebration: the three young brides were Northumberland's youngest daughter Katherine Dudley, and sisters Jane and Katherine Grey, eldest daughters of Henry Grey, 1st Duke of Suffolk. These unions were just three in a series of marriages and betrothals that took place over the spring and early summer of 1553, primarily organised by Northumberland, with the intent of forging and strengthening political alliances, in anticipation of an imminent regime change.
Privy Councillor John Dudley, Viscount Lisle, had been one of sixteen men nominated by the dying king Henry VIII in December 1546 to sit a 'Regency Council', formed with the intent of governing England during the minority of his nine-year old son, Edward VI. The young king's uncle, Edward Seymour, quickly emerged as leader of the Council, as 'Lord Protector', and being granted the Dukedom of Somerset; he was initially supported by his old friend and ally Dudley, who had also been promoted, as 1st Earl of Warwick. By October 1549, the Council had become disillusioned with Somerset's rule, including his increased alienation of other council members, and personal consolidation of power. Dudley was one of the leading council members who orchestrated Somerset's arrest and removal from power, with Dudley himself emerging as the new head of the Regency Council, adopting the title of 'Lord President' in February 1550. Dudley's power and influence continued to grow, leading to his elevation to the Dukedom of Northumberland in October 1551. Whilst effectively becoming the most powerful and influential man in England, Northumberland appeared to have learnt from his predecessor's mistakes, in ensuring the support of many council members, as well as supporting Edward in making more independent decisions as he grew older, including facilitating him attending council sessions (Paul, 2022).
Five years into his reign, fourteen-year-old Edward first became unwell in April 1552, with the king later documenting that he had fallen sick from measles and smallpox; he initially appeared to make a full recovery from these illnesses, his body not later showing any of the distinctive scarring associated with the virulent smallpox disease, leading historians to believe that he had likely suffered from only measles. By summer 1552 however, Edward began to appear 'sickly' and 'exhausted', with his health impacting on his ability to complete his annual summer progress. By September, the monarch's health had deteriorated further, with his personal doctor believing that he was presenting with symptoms of tuberculosis, although his true diagnosis was not revealed to the Privy Council. Over the autumn and winter of 1552, and into the new year, Edward's health continued to decline further, with the king presenting with persistent coughing, reduced appetite, bloating and fevers, leading the council to acknowledge the seriousness of his poor health (Weir, 1996).
By the spring of 1553, it became clear that Edward was not recovering from his illness, and therefore needed to make provisions for the monarchy, in the event of his death. As he had remained unmarried and had no legitimate heirs, in accordance with his father's 1544 will and a subsequent Act of Parliament (The Act of Succession, 1544), the crown would pass to his elder half-sister, Lady Mary Tudor on his death: a fact that caused great anguish for Northumberland and his allies. With the Catholic Mary's accession to the throne, the significant religious changes that had been made in regards to the Protestant Reformation in England during Edward's reign would be immediately reversed, as well as the likely removal of the majority of those on currently sitting on the Privy Council, many of whom held Reformist beliefs or sympathies. In regards to Northumberland himself, he had increasingly made a direct enemy of Mary during his tenure as Lord President; Mary had protested against the influence she believed the Duke held over her brother, as well as being the victim of restrictions Northumberland placed upon her and her household, including in regards to her personal religious practice. With Mary Tudor as queen, Northumberland knew that his life would be at great peril, and so began to make preparations to avoid this potential disastrous situation (Weir, 1996; Tallis, 2016).
It was around April 1553 that Edward wrote his most famous document - My Devise for the Succession - in which he set out his plans for the English throne after his death. Whilst Henry VIII's will had decreed that the throne would pass to his daughter Mary, and then his youngest daughter Elizabeth, on the event of their predecessor's death without a legitimate heir, Edward sought to exclude them from his line of succession entirely, citing that their legitimacy had not been legally restored. Edward focused therefore on the family line that his father had also highlighted in his will: that of Henry's younger sister, Mary Tudor from her marriage to Charles Brandon, 1st Duke of Suffolk. Whilst Henry had excluded Mary's daughter Frances Brandon, Duchess of Suffolk, from his will (likely on account of his dislike of her husband Henry Grey), it was Frances and her heirs who were at the heart of Edward's plans. The king was eager to have a male successor, and his first draft of his Devise makes that clear: his initial planned order of succession was for Frances's "heires masles", her three daughters, Jane, Katherine and Mary's "heires masles", and then those of their cousin Margaret Clifford (daughter of Frances's deceased sister Eleanor). There was also an initial provision that on his death, Frances would act as a 'governing regent' until the time that a male heir would be born to her children, and would be old enough to rule. Whilst it is clear from the untidy writing, multiple alterations and juvenile language that it was Edward himself who penned the document, it is unlikely that he did this without the advice or assistance from others, including his most trusted advisor, Northumberland (Weir, 1996; Ives, 2011; Inner Temple Library, 2025).
With the completion of this document, the Suffolks had now become the most important family in England. However, despite Edward's desire for a male heir, in April 1553, there were none, only females; Frances did not look as though she would be having any further (living) children with her husband Henry Grey, and none of their daughters were married and in an immediate position to produce a legitimate male heir. Therefore, in response to Edward's Devise, a series of marriages and betrothals took place, with the overall intention of keeping Northumberland at the centre of events, and subsequently retaining power. As the eldest daughter of the Suffolks, Jane was the biggest prize, and Northumberland's sights were set firmly on the fifteen-year-old. His three eldest sons were already married, and so his fourth son, sixteen-year-old Guildford, was offered as a prospective groom. Frances and Henry Grey were initially not content with their highly-intelligent daughter being married to the fourth son of a Duke, having spent years envisioning a match with Edward VI. Frances also expressed concerns regarding Jane's age, as well as the influence that Northumberland would have on the upbringing of any future children. It was reported that the Lord President used both threats and promises to get Suffolk to agree to the match, appealing to his greed and personal ambition (de Lisle, 2008; Tallis, 2016).
When informed of the prospective match, Jane also expressed her contempt for the match, refusing the offer. Her now-persuaded parents did all they could to change her mind. They shouted and screamed and beat their strong-willed daughter, until she finally agreed to the proposal. There were contemporary reports that Jane's marriage to Guildford was the idea of Elisabeth Brooke, Marchioness of Northampton, the wife of Northumberland's ally William Parr, 1st Earl of Northampton, having her own motives to prevent Mary Tudor from ascending to the throne, predominantly regarding the legality of her own marriage. However, Northumberland is the person who would have benefitted the most from this match, his intent from the start being to remain in a position where he could exercise control over his son and daughter-in-law, as well as any potential children, as he had done so with Edward. It was Northumberland's underestimation in his influence and control over Jane that contributed to the lack of success in their attempted coup later that summer (Weir, 1996; de Lisle, 2008).
By 28 April 1553, Jane and Guildford’s betrothal had officially been announced, permission having been granted by the ailing king, given Jane’s royal lineage. A long betrothal had been decided against, likely due to Edward's deteriorating health. The marriage date agreed was for Whitsuntide, 25 May 1553, the location being Northumberland's newly-acquired Westminster property, Durham Place. It was also agreed that their wedding would be shared by two other young couples: Jane's younger sister Katherine Grey, who would marry Henry Herbert, the son and heir of William Herbert, 1st Earl of Pembroke, and the younger Katherine Dudley would be married to Henry Hastings, son and heir of Francis Hastings, 2nd Earl of Huntingdon, both men being members of the Privy Council and supporters of Northumberland, Other court celebrations, including the May Day tournaments, were also rearranged, in the hope that the king's health would show signs of improvement, and would be able to attend (de Lisle, 2008; Paul, 2022).
Durham Place (also referred to as 'Durham House') had traditionally been the residence of the Bishop of Durham. Located on the south side of The Strand, within the City of Westminster, the magnificent medieval building had previously been residence to Thomas Wolsey (whilst 'Administrator' of the Durham Diocese, during his tenure as Archbishop of York), after which it was inhabited by Thomas Boleyn during Henry VIII’s courtship and marriage of his daughter Anne. The former episcopal palace, which had been granted to the king in 1536, sat on the banks on the Thames, boundaried by Norwich Place (later known as York Place), and Russell House, home of John Russell, 1st Earl of Bedford, Lord Privy Seal and another of the nominated members of Edward’s Regency Council. Following Henry's death in 1547, Durham Place was granted to his daughter, Lady Elizabeth, by her half-brother Edward, in accordance with their father's wishes; however, by early 1553, this property was confiscated from her, and was subsequently granted to Northumberland, much to Elizabeth's displeasure (Tallis, 2016; British History Online, 2025).
On 25 May 1553, guests gathered in the chapel at Durham Place to witness the triple celebration; Edward VI was unable to attend, his health continuing to deteriorate. Many of the guests were members of the Privy Council and foreign ambassadors, who were unknown to the young brides, emphasising that their marriages were not for the couples themselves, but in the wider interests of their families. Walking into the chapel, wearing cloth of gold, silver and purple, highlighting her royal status, and with her hair loose, symbolising her virginal status, Jane exchanged her vows with Guildford, in front of the gathered attendees, along with her new sister-in-law Katherine Dudley and younger sister Katherine Grey, whose groom, Henry Herbert, (de Lisle, 2008; Tallis, 2016). Following the ceremony, the guests proceeded out of the chapel and into the sumptuously-decorated Great Hall, where they were subject to entertainment, including dancing and masques. A great feast was also held to celebrate the unions; unfortunately, many wedding guests fell ill, as the cook accidently "plucked one leaf for another" when preparing a hot salad dish. Guildford was one of those who contracted food poisoning, with reports that he was still physically unwell and displaying symptoms on 12 June, more than three weeks later (Tallis, 2016, p.140).
![Detail from 'Richmond Palace from across the Thames', showing 'Cien' [Sheen]. Artist: Anthonis van den Wijngaerde; 1562 © Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford](https://static.wixstatic.com/media/ed9b82_aa7b835bb1884f5d9f29842407fac375~mv2.png/v1/fill/w_980,h_745,al_c,q_90,usm_0.66_1.00_0.01,enc_avif,quality_auto/ed9b82_aa7b835bb1884f5d9f29842407fac375~mv2.png)
After the wedding feast, Jane returned to her parents's home at the Charterhouse at Sheen, close to Syon House, another property which would soon come into the possession of Northumberland, and which would be the site only six weeks later, where Jane would be informed of Edward's death, and the Crown of England was formally offered to her by Northumberland and members of the Privy Council. Jane had left Durham Place without her marriage being consummated, despite the couple being over the age of consent, this being twelve for girls, and fourteen for boys. Whilst the couple were young, it does not appear that this was the sole reason for Jane to not remain with her in-laws at Durham Place, as her younger sister Katherine immediately went to reside with her new husband and his family at their London home, Baynard's Castle; Katherine resided at Baynard's Castle until she was also sent back to the Charterhouse once the Privy Council, incluidng her father-in-law, had turned against 'Quene Jane' in July 1553. Guildford's food poisoning, and lingering illness after the ceremony is another potential factor in Jane being able to reside with her parents in the first weeks of her marriage. However, it is more widely believed that the Suffolks were still waiting to see how future events would play out, in particular regards to Edward's failing health; if Jane's marriage was not consummated, then an annulment would be easier to obtain, especially if alternative marital options were offered in the near future, her father Henry Grey repeatedly seeking the power and success that had previously alluded him (de Lisle, 2008; Tallis, 2016).
Whilst their marriage were arranged by their parents, there did appear to be a degree of affection displayed between twelve year-old Katherine and fifteen year-old Henry Herbert, who had been brought from his sick bed to Durham Place for the marriage ceremony. Katherine's beauty was applauded, in addition to her warm and affectionate personality, with Henry known for being attentive and supportive to his spouse's interests and talents in his later life. Despite their fondness for each other, the young couple's marriage came to an end in mid-July 1553, after her father-in-law's allegiances shifted in his support for Mary Tudor over her sister Jane, regarding their claims for the English throne (Tallis, 2016; Paul, 2022). Eight years later in the summer of 1561, when secretly married and pregnant, and seemingly abandoned by her then-husband Edward Seymour, 1st Earl of Hertford, the previous attraction between Katherine and Henry appeared to ignite. This flirtation swiftly ended when Henry learned of Katherine's pregnancy, accusing her of planning to entrap him into marriage "to cover your whoredom" (Byrne, 2023, p.144).
Young Katherine Dudley’s union to Henry Hastings appeared to be a successful one, despite the events of the following year. As Katherine was not even ten-years-old in May 1553, her marriage would not have been consummated until after she reached the age of consent, that being at least twelve, although the age-gap between the couple may have delayed this for a longer period, her groom being almost eighteen. Having aligned themselves with Northumberland and subsequently the Suffolks, Henry and his father Francis initially supported their new in-laws in Jane's claim to the English throne in July 1553, participating in action in an attempt to gather national support, which ultimately led to their imprisonment in the Tower of London. However, their kinship with Reginald Pole, Mary I's newly-appointed Archbishop of Canterbury, led to their release, pardon, and their eventual return to favour. In contrast to Katherine Grey's marriage, which was forcibly annulled following the July events, Hastings and Katherine Dudley remained married, with their elevation as Earl and Countess of Huntingdon in 1560, following the death of Francis (Paul, 2022).
The unions and betrothals that took place in the first half of 1553 appeared to be with a primary aim of cementing the relationship between the Dudleys and the Greys, moving forward into a new regime with the ambition of a new dynasty. Two of Jane's cousins, both of marital age, Margaret Audley and Margaret Clifford, also entered into marriage contracts with members of the Dudley family that spring. Margaret Audley, the only surviving child and heir of Thomas Audley, 1st Baron Audley of Walden, and Henry VIII's Lord High Chancellor, had been subject to wardship since the death of her father in 1544, being due to inherit many of his properties in Hertfordshire, Oxfordshire and Essex. Her kinship to the Grey family (her mother Elizabeth being an elder sister of the Duke of Suffolk) and her status as a wealthy heiress made Margaret attractive as a prospective bride. Whilst only thirteen, she was married to Northumberland's youngest son, Henry 'Harry' Dudley before the events of July 1553. Margaret Clifford, following her family's earlier rejection of Guildford, now accepted an offer of betrothal to Northumberland's brother, Sir Andrew Dudley, whilst her eight-year old cousin, Jane's youngest sister Mary, was betrothed to her distant kinsman Arthur Grey, Lord Grey de Wilton. Northumberland's second son Ambrose also remarried that spring, his first wife, Anne Whorwood, having died the previous year from sweating sickness. Ambrose subsequently took as his second wife, the older, recently widowed but financially-independent Elizabeth Tailboys, 4th Baroness of Kyme, and daughter of Henry VIII's mistress Elizabeth 'Bessie' Blount at the time of her conception (de Lisle, 2008; Tallis, 2016; Paul, 2022).
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